Mexico, Through Cuban Eyes
                         ===========================

                               Jorge Luis Romeu
                                 Syracuse, NY

                                Copyright 2000  


                                        .





                                  Introduction:
                                  =============





             The present series of articles on Mexico appeared in 1994 in
        the  Syracuse  Post  Standard,  New  York,  and  in several other
        newspapers through  the  Hispanic  Link  News  Service.   It  was
        written  by  Dr.   Jorge  Luis  Romeu, a mathematics professor at
        SUNY-Cortland, while serving as a  Senior  Fulbright  Scholar  in
        Mexico, during the Spring Semester of 1994.  The last article, on
        the PRI, was written after Mr.  Fox's electoral victory, in 2000.

             Dr.  Romeu, a native of Cuba and a political exile,  arrived
        in  the  United  States in May of 1980.  He taught simulation and
        statistics at the Instituto Tecnologico Autonomo  de  Mexico  and
        lectured  in  several other state and private universities during
        the six months he lived there.  He resided in Xochimilco,  Mexico
        City but travelled extensively throughout the country.

             The present series of articles constitutes a  reflection  of
        Dr.   Romeu's experiences in Mexico, with his family.  It is also
        a tribute of affection and solidarity toward this Latin  American
        sister republic.



                                   Copywright

Letter from Mex  1                                              Page 1
J. L. Romeu


                                          .







                                 Letter From Mexico:
                                  ==================


                                  The Chiapas Revolt
                                  ==================



                                 A la Allastair Cooke



                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                    P.O. Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994



                                      Final Copy



                         Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard


                               Date: January 22, 1994.

                             Published: February 9, 1994.





             When we first left for Mexico City this December 26th, I knew  we
        were  starting  an  extraordinary  period in our lives.  Our Fulbright
        assignment is, indeed, an honor and a hands-full responsibility.   The
        North  American  Free  Trade  Agreement, recently approved, officially
        started this January First.  The Mexican Presidential Campaing  is  in
        full  steam.   And living again in a Latin American country, where our
        lost roots lie, is indeed a prime attraction.

Letter from Mex  1                                              Page 2
J. L. Romeu


             However, it was far from our minds that we would find  ourselves,
        the same day of our arrival in Mexico City, in the midst of one of the
        most important Mexican political events of recent times:  the  Chiapas
        revolt.

             This January 1st., in  the  distant,  rural  and  poor  state  of
        Chiapas,  bordering Guatemala, a peasant revolt started.  The Ejercito
        Zapatista, a well trained and equipped  guerrilla  movement,  took  by
        assault  the  cities of Ocosingo and San Cristobal de las Casas.  Soon
        they were disloged by Mexican regulars in a bloody battle and a  state
        of  upheaval  appeared  in  the  entire  country.  This situation took
        everyone, including the government by  surprise.   And,  by  the  same
        token,  got  everyone  thinking about the social and economic problems
        this country has.

             The Chiapanecos, peasants from  Chiapas,  are  mostly  of  indian
        descent and poor, and have suffered from many economic ills for years.
        There is much grief about the situation of landless peasants,  of  low
        prices  and  market  control  of  Chiapas  coffee  staple product by a
        handful of merchants.  Roads, schools and jobs rank at the  bottom  in
        the  country.   And  the  proximity  to  Guatemala has created several
        hundreds of thousand refugees from  the  war  in  that  other  Central
        American republic.  No wonder there is social unrest there.

             The Salinas administration launched the "Solidaridad"  (PRONASOL)
        program,  to  help  Mexicans  help  themselves  in solving their local
        problems.   Through  it,  local  organizations  receive  economic  and
        logistic  support for proyect development (e.g.  schools, roads, water
        supply, etc).  And  much  inroad  has  been  achieved  throughout  the
        country,  including  in  Chiapas,  in  the  past  few years under this
        program.  However, many years of neglect and the multiplicity  of  the
        problems  cannot  be resolved in a short period of time.  This created
        the motive for the Chiapas revolt and, potentially,  concern  in  some
        other bordering states.

             Soon enough, the Mexican government realized this  situation  and
        decided  to  confront  it via negociations and peaceful resolution.  A
        Commission for the Peace and National Reconciliation was  set  up  and
        sent  to  Chiapas  to  start  a negociating process with the Zapatista
        rebels.  And, interestingly enough, Mr.  Camacho, the  looser  in  the
        presidential nomination process within the PRI party, was to head this
        higly visible and important Commission.

             Mexico has a sui-generis  political  system.   The  PRI  (Partido
        Revolucionario  Institucional),  the  main  party  in  the country has
        remained in control since its founding in 1929, winning every election
        to all other parties.

             Recently,  in  the  1988  election,  the  PRI  split   into   two
        organizations.   One,  headed by President Salinas, sometimes referred
        to  as  the  "old"  PRI,  is   spearheading   the   current   economic
        liberalization  in  Mexico  via  a neo-liberal economic plan.  Salinas
        himself holds a doctorate in economics  from  a  first  rate  american
        university,  as  do  many  others in his administration.  The splinter

Letter from Mex  1                                              Page 3
J. L. Romeu


        party, the PRD, follows Mr.  Cardenas, an  engineer  and  academician,
        and the son of a former and popular Mexican President.

             Traditionally, the PRI presidential candidate has been considered
        as  good as elected, as soon as he is officially accepted by his party
        (which will occur  some  time  early  in  the  summer).   The  current
        candidate  is  Mr.   Colosio.   But  the Chiapas revolt has completely
        obscured and minimized the importance of Colosio's political  campaing
        and  has  underlined  the importance of his former rival Mr.  Camacho.
        And some people are openly  speaking  of  bringing  Mr.   Camacho  in,
        again, into the arena as either an independent Presidential candidate.
        Or, otherwise, to revise President's Salinas choice,  before  the  PRI
        officially accepts Mr.  Colosio as its final candidate.

             It is in this sense that the current Chiapas  rebellion  has  had
        the  most dramatic impact in Mexico.  For this new situation of having
        already announced the official PRI presidential candidate.  And  later
        on  having this challenged and perhaps even changed -or contested from
        without the PRI- is entirely new and even fascinating political  event
        for some Mexicans.

             At this stage, the developments are still  unfolding  and  it  is
        difficult  to  talk  about  anything  else.   You can literally breath
        (along with Mexico City's pollution) the suspense and  expectation  of
        the Mexicans, regarding this new political situation.

             We continue watching and learning of this fascinating country and
        its  out-of-the-ordinary  developments.   We  wish  them well in their
        quest for modernity and social and political advancement, and we  hope
        our stay here will remain as instructive as it has been pleasant.

Letter From Mexico  2                                           Page 4
J. L. Romeu


                                          .







                                 Letter From Mexico:
                                 ===================


                                  The Three Mexicos
                                  =================





                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                    P.O. Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994



                                      Final Copy



                         Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard


                                  February 10, 1994.





             During our excellent Fulbright Inauguration we  were  given  some
        background  material  on  Mexico.   In one of them, we read a thorough
        description of the three geographical divisions that exist here.

             There is  Northern  Mexico,  semi-desertic,  sparsely  populated,
        formed  by  the  Mexican  states  bordering  the  U.S.  Then, there is
        Central Mexico, densely populated, in the  highlands  or  "meseta  del
        Anahuac".   There  the  mesoamerican  Aztec cultures fleurished in the
        first half of this milenium.  Finally, there is Southern Mexico,  poor
        and  distant,  formed  by  the  Mexican  states close to Guatemala and
        Belize, strongly influenced by the other great  mesoamerican  culture:

Letter From Mexico  2                                           Page 5
J. L. Romeu


        the Maya, and where the state of Chiapas is located.

             We have also learned,  by  living  here  and  reading,  that  the
        "norteno"  or  northern  Mexican  is  very  independent, proud and yet
        modest, and not very likely to appreciate the control exerted  by  the
        central  government.  Several famous leaders of the Mexican Revolution
        of 1911 come from this  part  of  the  country,  including  Presidents
        Francisco  Madero,  Venustiano  Carranza,  Alvaro Obregon and Plutarco
        Elias Calles.  And of course, the well known Pancho Villa.

             The central  region,  densely  populated,  is  dominated  by  the
        capital,  With its 20 million people, Mexico City is the largest urban
        center in the world.  The "chilango", the inhabitant of  Mexico  City,
        does  not  appreciate  lightly being referred to by this name by those
        Mexicans living in the "provincia", or country side.  These, in  turn,
        do not appreciate lightly being called "provincianos".  Latin American
        capitals have traditionally been the economic, political and  cultural
        center  of  the  nation.   So the list of famous people is too long to
        mention.

             The third region includes the states of Oaxaca  and  Chiapas,  in
        the  South.   It  is  the  poorest  in  the country and still has many
        indigenous communities that primarily speak their own  languages.   It
        also  has  provided  its  sizeable  share of famous Mexicans including
        Presidents Benito Juarez and Porfirio Diaz, both from Oaxaca.

             But there are also  three  other  Mexicos  (as  there  are  three
        Englands,  or  three  Frances or three United States) when assessed by
        their socio-economic status.  And  these  latter  three  attract  much
        further  our  interest.  They are, of course, the poor, the middle and
        the upper class Mexicans.  And, if you train yourself  to  watch  this
        Mexico, you can see them clearly right from the start.

             We saw the first two Mexicos from the first day we  set  foot  in
        the  country.  As soon as we stopped to put gas in our car, in a small
        town up north, a group of men gathered around  us:   the  poor.   They
        were  politely  requesting  to provide us with some service:  cleaning
        our windshield, checking our oil and tires, washing the car, etc.  for
        a  tip  or a fee.  They would not ask for money, nor would they insist
        if one politely declined their offer.

             This interesting  work  ethic  we  have  systematically  observed
        throughout  the  country.  For example, you can hop into the metro, in
        Mexico City, and find them selling candy  and  chicklets;  or  singing
        with  their guitars and then, after their "service" has been provided,
        requesting a voluntary contribution.  They are unmolested by the metro
        or  police  authorities and they do not bother passengers nor obstruct
        the development of daily life.

             The second Mexico is that of the middle  class.   The  literature
        provided by Fulbright puts it at about 30% of the population.  But, at
        least in Mexico City, I would assess it is more.  Just that  one  must
        train oneself to identify it, and not mistake it.

Letter From Mexico  2                                           Page 6
J. L. Romeu


             The Mexican is an austere and private person, to the extent  that
        even  his  dwelling  reflects  this characteristic.  As opposed to the
        open property, surrounded by  gardens,  traditional  of  the  American
        culture,  the  Mexican  home  is  like  a  walled city.  Perhaps it is
        because of this, that outsiders fail to  distinguish  a  middle  class
        dwelling as such.

             A Mexican  home,  rich  or  poor,  is  surrounded  an  apparently
        unassuming high wall.  From the outside, you can only see the "porton"
        or big entrance door and this wall.  But if you can "read" these  two,
        you  will  unmistakenly  assess  the economic and social status of its
        owner.  Also, as opposed to the  U.S.,  Mexican  (or  Latin  American)
        neighborhoods, "colonias", are not economically segregated (i.e.  poor
        inner city and affluent suburbs).  One can find the  affluent,  middle
        income  and  poor, living in the same block.  They may not be intimate
        but at least they have to deal with each other on a daily basis.   And
        this is not bad for the social health.

             There is a wealthy upper class (the lilterature puts it at 10% of
        the population).  And you can recognize their homes by the large walls
        and doors, sometimes with doormen or guards.  Lately, in Mexico  City,
        new "colonias", similar to the American suburbs, have developed in the
        hills, "las Lomas".   There,  one  can  admire  beautiful  homes  that
        compare to the ones in Beverly Hills.

             Interestingly, when we read about Mexico (or other Latin American
        country) in the American and European media, most articles discuss the
        poor and destitute.  Possibly, our readers have found  out  about  the
        Mexican poor that search through garbage dumps, from a recent National
        Geographic article.  But not about  the  thriving  and  mobile  middle
        class,  the  populous  and free UNAM (National University) system, the
        museums, theaters and industry in this country, which also exists  and
        characterizes it.

             It is such unbalanced reporting of the countries South of the Rio
        Grande  that  has,  unfortunately, contributed to the misunderstanding
        beetween these two worlds, so close geograhically.  And they  lead  to
        the  sad  and  unfair comments we have read and heard during the NAFTA
        treaty debate.

             We hope our stories from Mexico contribute to redress this.

Letter From Mexico                                              Page 7
J. L. Romeu


                                          .







                                 Letter From Mexico:
                                 ===================


                                     Daily Life.
                                     ===========





                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                    P.O. Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994



                                      Final Copy



                         Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard


                                Date: March 10, 1994.





             After living and working for ten weeks in  Mexico  City,  I  have
        come to accept that there are three gears in the Mexican ideosincracy:
        "Claro que si", "Ni modo" and "Manana".  And each of these respond  to
        the attitude that Mexicans perceive from us.

             "Claro que si", literally, "of course", is the most  widely  used
        of  the three gears, for the Mexican bends backward to please you when
        he or she can.  This is, if the request is not unreasonable, if it  is
        asked with respect and consideration and if it is possible.

Letter From Mexico                                              Page 8
J. L. Romeu


             Do you think we could send this Federal Express?  Claro  que  si.
        Can  I use your telephone?  Can you tell me how to find the Freeway to
        Puebla?  It is always, Claro que si.

             If the request is of no interest or has  very  little  chance  of
        success,  and  one  has  inquired  with respect and consideration, the
        answer may well be "manana", or tomorrow.  One has to  learn  to  read
        the  language,  as  to  not  insist beyond the reasonable, for in this
        case, one may well end up with the "Ni modo!"  which  literally  means
        "no  way,  man!".   And this may break the swiftness of an up to then,
        nice relationship.

             The "manana" can be explicit or implicit.  A no-reply, a  delayed
        reply or a reply to a question other than the one originally posed may
        well mean an implicit equivalent to "manana".

             The only times we have had such (implicit) manana  situation  has
        been  when  the  question  of  Cuba has come up.  As it is well known,
        Mexico has  enjoyed  traditionally  good  relations  with  the  Castro
        government  and  this  writer  has  long been an active critic of this
        regime.  So, as it is expected from respectful and  civilized  people,
        the  Cuban  issue is carefully avoided and everyone follows the "don't
        ask, don't tell, don't pursue" policy in this respect.

             But, what does the daily life look like?  And how different is it
        from  the  one we have lead in Syracuse for so many years?  How do the
        Mexican stereotypes measure up to the daily routine?

             Mexico City's lifestyle is, in many respects, similar to that  of
        Spain,  where life starts late (about 8 or 8:30 am) and has a two hour
        lunch break (from 2 to 4 pm) where most things stop.

             Lunch  or  "comida"  is  a  five  courses  meal  (usually   soup,
        invariably rice, then some Mexican dish like enchiladas, tacos, sopes,
        chilaquiles, cohetes, or something similar, and  finally  dessert  and
        coffee).   After  this, two hour lunch, work continues until 7 or 8 at
        night.  And, if you have the leisure and the means, there is a  lively
        and  exciting night life, with literally hundreds of restaurants, tens
        of theaters, cinemas, opera, symphony and the works.  But, because  of
        our heavy workload, we have not tried that one yet.

             We get up at 7 am and, after a light breakfast, we  get  the  car
        and  fight the morning rush hour traffic in this twenty million people
        city.  It is unbelievable how, in a  16-mile  long,  bumper-to-bumper,
        three-lane,  highway,  one  can keep a 50-mile per hour traffic speed.
        But one does or is run over.  And by taking short cuts through  narrow
        and  crooked  side  streets,  we  finally  get to our University in 45
        minutes.

             There, we start a work session that runs from 8:30 to  2  pm  and
        continues  from  4  to 7 pm (for in Mexico, college professors have to
        put, physically, 8 hours a day, five days a week, in the school).  And
        during  these  eight  hours  we  teach,  give  office  hours, read, do
        research, write  and  perform  all  other  obligations  that  American

Letter From Mexico                                              Page 9
J. L. Romeu


        Faculty  engage  in.   Here,  we have the same computer, classroom and
        library  facilities  (486's  PC's,  VAX  6000  main  frames,  overhead
        projectors, computer labs) that we enjoy in our Cortland State school.

             The lunch hour is at two; and this is a sacred time slot.   Those
        two  hours  from two to four are worth the entire day.  For this lunch
        not only provides the  main  meal  of  the  day,  but  also  the  main
        interaction with our colleagues and friends.

             In our Mexican University,  Faculty  has  a  simple  but  private
        dinning  room,  where a crew of over twenty professors with doctorates
        from the best universities in England, the U.S.,  Mexico  and  several
        other  countries  eat and exchange views on daily events.  If you want
        to have a real flavor of the country, this is the place to be.

             This dinning room is known as "El Escorial", which  is  also  the
        name  of  the famous Spanish Convent and Palace, built by Felipe II of
        Spain, for his royal retreat.  The Spanish  Escorial  is  well  known,
        worldwide,  for  its  library  and  works  of  art, and as a source of
        knowledge.  Today, it is used as a  center  for  higher  learning  and
        scholarly meetings.

             However, as I have learned later  on,  our  University's  faculty
        dinning  room  also  has  another  meaning, which says a lot about its
        members.  In Spanish, the name "escoria" also means the pitts, or that
        part  of  society  you  don't  even  want  to  touch.   Usually, at El
        Escorial, no topic is off limits, the analyses are quite incisive and,
        often,  very  critical.  So, in one instance, someone listening to the
        comments and discussions sarcastically commented that "in  this  place
        there  is  no  peace  with  anyone;  it  is the Pitts!".  And the name
        sticked.

             After my daily two-hour enlightening  lunch  session,  we  resume
        work.   Then  we  go  home for a light dinner (Mexico City's elevation
        disuades heavy ones) and some family life.

             As in Syracuse, I drive to and from work listening to  the  radio
        news.   Only  that  in  Mexico  City it is Radio UNAM (operated by the
        state  University)  instead  of  Morning  Edition   and   All   Things
        Considered, and the McNeil's newshour is comparably substituted by the
        University's Channel 11 newshour.

             Daily life in Mexico City is different to that in Syracuse.   And
        yet it is, in many ways, the same.  I know that, when I return, I will
        go back to my old routine, doing the same things I do now  in  another
        way.

             I will miss a  few  things  here  and  there.   I  may  miss  the
        language.  But most of all, I will miss El Escorial.

Letter From Mexico                                             Page 10
J. L. Romeu


                                          .







                                 Letter From Mexico:
                                 ===================


                          Candidate Colosio's Assasination.
                          =================================





                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                    P.O. Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994



                                      Final Copy



                         Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard


                                 Date: July 12, 1994.

                              Published: July 18, 1994.





             After an intense six-month stay in Mexico  City  as  a  Fulbright
        Scholar,  I  can  recall many relevant and unusual events taking place
        there this year.  Among them, were the Chiapas Revolt and the start of
        NAFTA,  both in January.  And the first ever Presidential Debate among
        candidates, in May.  But possibly the most important of all,  for  its
        far  reaching  consequences, was the assassination of Mexico's leading
        presidential candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio Murrieta, in mid March.

Letter From Mexico                                             Page 11
J. L. Romeu


             Candidate Colosio was shot while  campaigning  in  a  low  income
        neighborhood,  in  the  border  city  of Tijuana.  For those Americans
        forty and above, who lived through  the  assassinations  of  John  and
        Robert Kennedy, the intense atmosphere that Mexico went through at the
        time, will not be something unknown.

             Mr.  Colosio was, according  to  early  March  polls,  the  front
        runner  in  the  Mexican presidential election.  He was the "official"
        party candidate, backed by a political organization that has won every
        election since its founding in 1929.  Hence, for many Mexicans Colosio
        as good as elected.

             On the other hand, Mr.  Colosio was  murdered  by  an  apparently
        lone  gunman,  just  as  it  occured  in  both John and Robert Kennedy
        assassinations.  Consequently, and  as  in  the  Kennedy  cases,  many
        different  and  some  times  elaborate  hypotheses  about a conspiracy
        masterminded by big political and economical  interests,  have  arisen
        here too.

             Some of the Kennedy murder hypotheses included the  CIA,  Castro,
        the Cuban exiles or the Mafia.  In the Mexican case, the main suspects
        are:  the Narcos, who have had a hard time  under  President  Salinas'
        administration;  the  PRI  "dinosaurs" (old guard) who may dislike Mr.
        Colosio's ideas  about  opening  further  the  political  system;  the
        economic  power  groups,  who  may not like Mr.  Colosio's ideas about
        rectifying the neo liberal economic reforms to  accomodate  the  poor;
        the  opposition,  who may think that Colosio's disparition could split
        and weaken the official party; and revenge from the several political,
        economic  and  social groups that have suffered from this and previous
        PRI administrations, or that oppose the neo liberal  orientation  that
        this party has, in the recent past, given to Mexico's economy.

             But to really understand the depth and consequences of  Colosio's
        murder  it  is  necessary  to  review  its  background in the national
        context.   It  is  important  to  know  that  Colosio's  campaign  was
        overshadowed,  during  its first two months by the news related to the
        Chiapas revolt and its subsequent peace process.  And  that  Colosio's
        opponent  for  the  PRI  presidential  nomination, Mr.  Manuel Camacho
        Solis, who was the peace negociator, got throughout this time more and
        better   press   and  was  becoming  much  better  known.   The  peace
        negociations finally ended successfully by  the  beginning  of  March.
        And  then,  Mr.   Colosio's  campaign  picked  up steam, by discussing
        several new political and ecomic ideas.

             Colosio started talking about how Mexico's  neo-liberal  economic
        reform  had  helped the country as a whole but had bypassed many among
        the poor.  Colosio said he was going to adjust the  economic  process.
        And  that  he  was also going to accelerate the democratization of the
        political process in Mexico.

             A few weeks later Candidate Colosio, the 44  year  old  economist
        with  a Masters from an American university, the family man, the "poor
        boy made good" (for he worked his way up) was dead.  And the last time
        a  Mexican  presidential hopeful was murdered, the country went almost

Letter From Mexico                                             Page 12
J. L. Romeu


        awry.

             This occured in  1928.   Then  President  Elect,  General  Alvaro
        Obregon,  was  killed  while  the  contry  was  at  the  height of the
        Cristiada, the religeous civil war that ravaged  the  country  between
        1926  and 1929.  Shortly after, the Escobar rebellion, the last of the
        revolutionary  military  uprisings,  dramatically  failed.   And   the
        Mexican  government,  under  General Plutarco E.  Calles, consolidated
        its hold and organized the "official" PRI party, who has arbitered and
        chanelled  all  power  struggles  since  and has brought stability and
        peace for the past 65 years.

             We also need to take a look at the current state  of  affairs  in
        Mexico,  and  at  the man who will succeed Colosio as the official PRI
        Candidate.  First, Mexico has clearly moved, during  the  past  twelve
        years  and  under  two  presidents (De La Madrid and Salinas, who hold
        PhD's in economics) from  a  largely  state-managed  economy  to  free
        market, and from an hegemonic "official" party to a multiparty system,
        something that certain traditional sectors dislike.

             On the other hand, the  newly  appointed  PRI  candidate  is  Dr.
        Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon, a 43 year old economist with a PhD from
        Yale.  Dr.   Zedillo  ran  Colosio's  campaing  and,  previously,  the
        Ministry  of Planning and the Ministry of Education.  He is also, like
        Colosio was, a young self-made man (the  son  of  an  electrician  who
        excelled  in  the  Mexican  public  schools and was sent abroad by the
        government to specialize) and a technocrat.

             It is doubtful that, if yet another young economist of  the  same
        school  of  thought  of  DeLa  Madrid  and  Salinas, like Dr.  Zedillo
        appears to be, pursues for six more  years  the  neoliberal  policies,
        there  will ever be a return to a state-oriented economy.  And this is
        a key issue at this point.

             Will Mexico wage  this  storm?   Will  it  continue  its  present
        economic  growth  that,  eventually, may support the social reforms it
        badly needs?  Will it return to the old state-ruled economy?  Will  it
        drift  into  a  disorder  that  will  hold  back  foreign and domestic
        investment  and  promote  social  and  political  instability?   These
        questions  constitute,  respectively,  the  political  programs of the
        PRI-PAN, the PRD parties and the guerrilla movement.

             On August 21st, the election day, and on December 1st,  when  the
        elected  Candidate  will  take  the  oath  as  President, we may start
        getting some answers to these questions.

Letter from Mexico.                                            Page 13
J. L. Romeu


                                          .







                     Mexican Elections: a First in this Century.
                     ===========================================


                              The August 21st. Election.
                              ==========================





                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                     P.O.Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994



                                      Final Copy



                        Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard.


                                   July 28th, 1994.






             This August 21st.  an unusual event will take place in Mexico:  a
        presidential  election where the outcome will not be known beforehand.
        It is the first time since 1929, when the PRI party was founded,  that
        no  one  can  pinpoint  the  winner.  For the race is really a toss-up
        between PRI candidate Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon  and  PAN's  Diego
        Fernandez de Cevallos.

             Dr.  Zedillo, an economist with a Yale  Ph.D.,  substituted  Luis
        Donaldo  Colosio  as  PRI's  presidential  candidate,  after Colosio's
        assasination, last March.  His opponent, Mr.  Fernandez  de  Cevallos,

Letter from Mexico.                                            Page 14
J. L. Romeu


        is  a  lawyer,  a rancher and an excellent debater who moved up in the
        election polls to a deadheat tie with  Dr.   Zedillo.   This  occurred
        after the first ever televised presidential debate was held in Mexico.
        Diego, as Mr.  Fernandez is popularly known, outshined with his strong
        voice and his fighting style.  There was never a second debate.

             The big looser in the May televised debate was the third  of  the
        important   presidential   candidates,   Mr.    Cuahutemoc   Cardenas.
        Cuahutemoc, as he is popularly known, is the son of a  respected  late
        president  who,  in  the  1930's,  nationalized  Mexico's  foreign oil
        refineries and distributed huge haciendas among the  peasantry.   Some
        say that Cuahutemoc actually won the disputed 1988 election.  And that
        the PRI imposed Salinas through fraud.  The big surprise this time is,
        though, that neither Cuahutemoc nor his PRD party seems to be anywhere
        close to the top.

             But, how did this all this happened and where does it  lead?   To
        answer  such  questions,  some  background  on  the  mexican political
        parties, its  leaders  and  the  current  socioeconomic  situation  is
        required.

             The PRI is a left-of-center, populist  party  affiliated  to  the
        social  democratic  international  (as  are  Labor,  in England or the
        Socialist in France).  Its force comes from the  urban  middle  class,
        the  peasants, unionized labor and the army.  PRI has, during the past
        65 years, distributed land to thousands  of  peasants,  created  large
        state-managed industries, nationalized foreign oil refineries and kept
        Americans at bay.  These accomplishments, plus extensive patronage and
        a  firm  hand have assured its popularity, support and its hold of the
        government.

             On  the  other  hand,  excessive  bureaucracy,  inefficiency  and
        corruption, that traditionally accompanies government entrepreneurship
        everywhere,  has  also  left  its  mark  in  Mexico.    The   PAN,   a
        conservative,   free-market,   pro-catholic  party  (even  though  not
        directly affiliated with any church) founded  in  1939  by  dissidents
        from  the  Mexican  revolution,  has steadily grown by capitalizing on
        such problems.

             The third largest party is the PRD.  It was created  in  the  mid
        1980's when Senator Munoz Ledo and other dissatisfied leaders left the
        PRI, partly because they did not like the selection of Dr.  Salinas as
        presidential  candidate  and  also  because  they  did  not  like  the
        neoliberal approach that both, Salinas and his predecessor and mentor,
        Dr.   De  La  Madrid  were  giving to the Mexican economy.  And for 10
        years the PRD has grown from PRI dissidence.

             There are still  six  other  small  political  parties  from  the
        rightist,  pro-catholic  PDM, to the leftist PT (Labor), headed by Ms.
        Cecilia Soto, a charismatic and young Physicist.  They all have  small
        but  vocal  following.   The day of the election, however, people vote
        for the big ones.

Letter from Mexico.                                            Page 15
J. L. Romeu


             To  understand  Mexican  politics,  one  has  to  understand  its
        political  system and modern history.  Mexico suffered big territorial
        losses through war, plus several foreign interventions,  American  and
        European.   It  was  not until the long presidency of General Porfirio
        Diaz, which lasted until the 1911  revolution,  that  Mexico  matured.
        Hence,  many  Mexicans distrust western style pluralism, and see it as
        an opportunity for foreigners to again interfere in domestic politics.
        The PRI has learned to capitalize on this situation.

             On the other hand, the PRI is not an  ideologically  monolythical
        party.   but  a  broad-based  organization.   In it, many Mexicans can
        accomodate  themselves  (or  are  then  left  out)   without   onerous
        ideological  constrains  (as  it  has occurred for the last 50 years).
        PRI has created a system that refrains from extremes and provides  the
        alternation    of   a   left-of-center   president   followed   by   a
        right-of-center one (as  it  occured,  say  with  Cardenas  and  Avila
        Camacho).

             Since 1936, Mexicans have followed  a  middle-of-the-road,  mixed
        private-state-capitalism system, that corrects itself every six years.
        In 1982, the world oil crisis bankrupted  the  Mexican  economy.   The
        Peso  exchange  went  from  60 to 3000 to a dollar in weeks, and a new
        neo-liberal economic model was set in its  place.   Presidents  De  La
        Madrid and Salinas, and now Zedillo, support this model.

             The Mexican economy has recovered through privatisation  of  many
        state  enterprises  and  through  the  welcoming  of  foreign capital.
        Mexico has joined NAFTA.  Still,  many  sectors  have  not  done  well
        during  these  last  ten  years.   January's  Chiapas  rebellion was a
        sympthom.  And this is at the crux of the forthcoming election.

             Zedillo wants to 'rectify'  the  process  to  include  the  poor;
        Cuahutemoc  seems  to look to the statist past as a solution and Diego
        claims that PRI has stolen PAN's traditional platform and that  it  is
        time  to change the political leadership and for alternance of parties
        in power.

             However, as the election day closes in the  PRI  strengthens  its
        position.   The  most  recent survey indicates PRI is, again, ahead in
        the polls.  Many Mexicans fear chaos  if  another  party  takes  over.
        Others  may  still  look  to  tradition  and  the  patronage  system .
        Finally, PAN is still considered by many the party of the wealthy -and
        not  the  man  in  the  street.   And the PRD's pro-statist appeal has
        wanned in a nation where less and less people are looking  for  secure
        but low paying government jobs.

             Maybe, again, the PRI will win the election.  And this time,  for
        real.   But,  after  65  years  in  power,  not many, inside or out of
        Mexico, will believe this time it was on the level.

(In Defense of PRI                                             Page 16
J. L. Romeu


                                          .





                         The Recent Mexican Election Results
                         ===================================


                                In Defense of the PRI
                                =====================



                                   Jorge Luis Romeu


                                     P.O.Box 6134
                                  Syracuse, NY 13217


                                    (315) 476-8994


                                      Final Copy


                         Submitted to: Syracuse Post Standard


                                Date: August 29, 2000.

                             Published: September 7, 2000




             JORGE LUIS ROMEU is a former Senior Fulbright Scholar  to  Mexico
        and  an  Emeritus SUNY Faculty.  Romeu, who lives in Syracuse, directs
        the Juarez-Lincoln-Marti Project and frequently travels to and teaches
        in Mexico

(In Defense of PRI                                             Page 17
J. L. Romeu


             Vicente Fox, the PAN opposition candidate, won the recent Mexican
        presidential  elections.   The PAN victory ended the 71 year old power
        hegemony of the PRI, the official party.  But the real questions  are:
        will  this victory bring democracy to Mexico?  Who is the PAN and what
        does it stand for?  Some answers may help understand the  meaning  and
        scope  of  this  Mexican  election  results  and to forsee some of the
        forthcoming alternatives of this exciting Mexican period.

             The PRI, Partido Revolucionario  Institucional,  was  founded  by
        Mexico's  strong man General Plutarco E.  Calles, in 1929.  These were
        difficult times, just after the Guerra Cristera, the bloody  religious
        civil war that tore Mexico apart from 1926 to 1929.  Jose Vasconcelos,
        a well known educator, was the opposition candidate  and  had  support
        from   the   Cristeros,  who  hated  President  Calles'  anti-catholic
        policies.  But using the government machinery and power, Calles' party
        prevailed -as it has ever since.

             However, in a way one could also trace PRI's origins to 1920.  At
        this  time,  Generals  Obregon  and Calles stroke a deal by which they
        would alternate in the presidency, supporting the other  when  out  of
        ofice.   Obregon  was  elected  first,  in 1920, then Calles, in 1924.
        When Obregon was again elected in 1928,  he  was  murdered  -some  say
        under  Calles'  orders.   Hence,  to  continue with his scheme and his
        nationalistic policies, calles came up with this PRI idea.  Just that,
        to  understand  the  need  for such scheme, its depth and success, one
        must still go back a few more years...

             The Mexican  Revolution  of  1920  began  under  the  slogan  "no
        re-election"   alluding  to  President  Porfirio  Diaz'  40  years  of
        uncontested power,  obtained  via  periodic  re-election.   Even  when
        during  his  tenure,  Diaz managed to halt Mexico's disintegration and
        economic  decline,  and  no  more  foreign   invasions   occured   nor
        territories  were  lost,  he became very unpopular.  For the price for
        the stability and prosperity obtained was the rise of a small class of
        wealthy  land  owners at the expense of countless indian peasants.  In
        addition,  the  periodic   re-elections   of   Diaz,   prevented   the
        establishment  of  a  stable  succession  mechanism that would provide
        stability to the regime.

             The concerns of the 1910 Revolution -and perhaps  also  those  of
        the  founding of the PRI- were to address these two important national
        problems.  The Revolution opened a 20 year long hiatus of violence and
        devastation  but  the  PRI  managed  to bring back a measure of peace,
        prosperity and stability, starting from 1929.  It all  worked  out  in
        the following manner:

             In the political realm, the President could never be  re-elected.
        In exchange, he would be almost like a king, with the right to appoint
        his  successor  under  a  strict,  non-written  set  of  rules.   This
        addressed  the  re-election  and  succession mechanism problems of the
        Diaz era and gave the PRI regime its stability basis.

(In Defense of PRI                                             Page 18
J. L. Romeu


             "El Dedazo" or annointement of the presidential successor  was  a
        well structured process.  It precluded the naming of a brother, son or
        other relative or intimate crony -as usually done by such dictators as
        Somoza,  Trujillo  or Castro.  It would have to be someone else, often
        from a different wing of this broad coalition that the  PRI  s.   This
        provided  political  balance  and  a  sort  of correction mechanism to
        socioeconomic policy.  For example, leftist Cardenas was  followed  by
        conservative  Avila  Camacho and statist Echeverria and Lopez Portillo
        were followed by free marketeers  De  La  Madrid  and  Salinas.   Even
        apparent  minor  details  such  as  the  lobbying for the presidential
        position were regulated via such popular sayings as "el que  se  mueve
        no  sale  en  la  foto"  (he who pleades is disqualified).  Such PRI's
        succession policy allowed new teams to substitute  each  other,  every
        six  years,  thus  avoiding the formation of small power elites or the
        rise  of  dogmatic  absolutism.   With  this  pragmatic  approach   to
        governing, the PRI managed to hold to power for over 70 years.

             In addition, in the economic frealm, the PRI spoused land  reform
        in  a  country  overwhelmingly rural, even when it did not always make
        good economic sense.  But such policy  allowed  landless  peasants  to
        acquire  some  economic  independence  and  a sense of pride -and also
        provided the political base that gave PRI its broad  popular  support.
        Moreover,  in  1938  President Cardenas nationalized the Oil industry,
        prividing the economic  power  to  launch  many  social  programs  and
        obtaining  the  support  of  organized  labor and of the nationalistic
        masses.

             With these social and economic policies, plus  patronage,  strong
        arms  tacticts  when  needed  and corruption, the PRI maintained power
        with the support of much if not the majority of the Mexican people.

             On the other hand, PRI was never an  ideological  party  but  "el
        partido  del  gobierno",  the group who ran the country.  People could
        join  it,  whatever  their  ideology,  religion,  philosophy  or  lack
        thereof.   The  glue  that  held  it  together  was  money  and power,
        patronage and corruption and a sense of national purpose.

             All these tools were systematically used to  maintain  the  party
        running  and  the  members'  allegiance.   As  a  result, the epoch of
        revolts, military uprisings and civil  wars  that  damaged  Mexico  so
        badly  during the XIX Century and prevented its growth, became a thing
        of the past.

             Under  the  PRI,  no  foreign  invasions  or  territorial  losses
        occured.  Literacy rose from 30 to 90 percent and dozens of public and
        private universities  were  created,  fostering  social  and  economic
        mobility and the emergence of a large and strong middle class.  It was
        such  middle  class  and  socioeconomic  development  that  ultimately
        nurtured  the discontent and opposition that has brought the PRI down.
        The progress that Mexico experienced in this century moved  it  beyond
        the need for a system such as the PRI's.  It was this that brought the
        victory of PAN:  a need for a more modern system.

(In Defense of PRI                                             Page 19
J. L. Romeu


             PRI's  redeeming  quality  has  been,  precisely,  that  it   has
        recognized this situation and has allowed the country to evolve, via a
        clean electoral process.  Such transition has not been easy; it is the
        result  of  many years of hard labor, sweat and even the blood of many
        Mexicans of all social and political extractions -including some  from
        the  PRI  itself!   And  it has taken place, at least, during the last
        twenty years.

             During this time, many local, state and even  federal  government
        positions  have  been  won,  one  by one, by the two larger opposition
        parties.  These are the conservative, catholic,  pro-business  Partido
        de  Accion  Nacional,  PAN, founded by Manuel Gomez Morin in 1939, and
        the leftist, statist, Partido Revolucionario Democratico, PRD, founded
        (as  a  splinter  of PRI) by Heberto Castillo in the 1980s.  Both have
        been regaining ground at the expense of PRI, to the  point  that  last
        july  the  PAN won by a plurality in a three-way race -and the PRD won
        Mexico City.

             It is well-known that many people voted for the  PAN,  even  when
        they  were  from other parties, including PRD.  The PAN meant a change
        and that is really what the majority of the Mexican electorated  voted
        for.   So, what will the new political landscape look like, if the PAN
        and PRD move back to their traditional right/left positions?  Who will
        occupy   the  political  center,  where  the  PRI  has  most  recently
        positioned itself?

             Such void could be filled by a "new PRI", ready to compete  in  a
        multiparty  system, integrated by its younger faction, that has worked
        hard under President Zedillo to open up the system and  make  it  more
        democratic.   This "new PRI" faction has fought a tough internal power
        struggle against the "dinosaurs", in which blood has been  shed  (Ruiz
        Massieu)  and  judicial  processes  have  occured (Raul Salinas).  If,
        instead, the PRI fails to evolve,  it  may  implode  giving  birth  or
        feeding  other  new  centrist  groups  that  will necessarily fill the
        political void.

             Will Mexico maintain its hard won social and economic  gains  and
        its internal peace and stability in this new and exciting stage?  As a
        Cuban, we sincerely with our Mexican brothers the best of luck!: